Platform for (un)Solicited Research and Advice

Boris Ondreička, tranzit.org

QUESTIONS ON THE CONSTITUTION FOR TEMPORARY DISPLAY

tranzit.org proposes creating  THE CONSTITUTION FOR TEMPORARY DISPLAY to challenge all stereotypes that biennials (and exhibition formats in general) bring.

tranzit.org would like to submit the mechanisms of the biennial (and exhibition formats in general) to the critical consideration of the artists and advisors, with a desire to make the constitutional proclamation happen and to translate it into concrete steps for action.

Who are we?

1. Rousseau defines constitutional law as an “expression of a general will.” Whose general will is involved in this case? Who will establish the content of this constitution?

2. Are these people the artists and curators and invited advisors – during the preparatory phase of the exhibition?

3. Do we also include other groups and individuals?

How do we work?

5. What will be the principle for preparing the CTD?

6. What form and structure of discourse do we establish? And how will the on-site physical dialogue then be conducted during the installation and opening period, and then for the duration of the display?

7. Can any member of the established body contribute? Only with a limited number of articles or as many articles as he or she wants?

8. What are the rules for decision-making? (general agreement, vote, veto…)

9. Will the principle of a democratic vote be followed – i.e. the majority of the members of the body decides?

10. If we opt for a democratic vote, which of the two major legal models for democratic decision-making as described by Ronald Dworkin[1] do we apply? Do we follow the majoritarian or partnership democratic model (see the footnote)?

Roles, duties and division of labor

11. What is the role of the curators? What is the role of the artists in this setup? Shall we follow the usual matrix that the curatorial collective is responsible to the organizational body?

12. Do we want to find another procedure, inviting all the artists or their representatives to be part of curatorial decision-making?

13. What will be the rules for such a procedure?

14. What is the role of the administrators, i.e. the executives of the decision passed by the members?

15. Shall this be part of the constitution as well? (We think so.)

The Temporary Display

About autonomy

16. To what extent can the exhibition space become an autonomous polis?

17. Can we proclaim that in the exhibition space different – provisional – rules will apply that are different from those in the space beyond?

18. If at all, in which sense shall it be autonomous?

About form and content

19. Are there any rules and restrictions?

20. If so, what is it forbidden or allowed to do/ show/ perform in the exhibition space?

21. Shall we state the possibility to do/show/ behave in unusual ways in the exhibition space?

About the organization of resources

Space

22. How do we want to organize the existing space inside the exhibition?

23. Should the curatorial collective be responsible for the scenario of the display?

24. Do we have to start from a division of the space into projects?

25. How should we organize the non-existent space of the exhibition (i.e. all the virtually existing and usable spaces)?

26. Are we interested in procuring the use of any other kind of space besides the one that is available in our proposal?

Money

27. How to deal with the budget?

28. Do the artists accept the curators’ role of being responsible for budget sub-management (in the hands of the production office of the organizer / initiator / inviting institution…) and the division of the space for the exhibition?

29. If not, by whom and how shall this distribution be made – who will select the amount of contributions for each project, and according to which criteria?

30. Shall all the artists receive a similar flat fee, with the rest of the production budget being distributed according to the projects? (We suggest that there should be a flat fee of x Eur for each artistic project and participation in the constitutional process.)

31. Can we create some sort of budget that will be allocated to developing the constitutional processes? (We think that this is an important point and we are in favour of it.)

Access and Time:

32. When should the temporary display be opened?

33. Do we accept the logic of an official (given) opening, coinciding with the end of production? Should our activity start any time from now on – earlier or later than the opening?

34. If we decide that our project has started right from the moment of discussing the Constitution – how can we make it public?

35. Would we consider scheduling the dates of the exhibition differently?

36. Would we consider having work / works being on show during regular opening hours and during the entire period of the exhibition? Or do they or you generate/ need another temporality?

37. What is the notion of opening hours for you?

About the audiences

38. How should we include the voices of the audience?

39. Will the visitors and audience of the exhibition be invited to further develop the constitution after the opening?

40. How do we deal with the already existing access restrictions – all of those who are unable to come for various reasons (visa, economic situation, illness, etc.)?

41. Do we want the audience to be involved in a participatory process?

42. If so, what types and structures of participation do we prefer?

43. What options should we offer visitors? Viewing, contemplating artworks, studying, relaxing, eating, socializing, sleeping?

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[1] Majoritarian Democracy is government by majority will, that is, in accordance with the will of the greatest number of people, expressed in elections with universal or near universal suffrage. There is no guarantee that a majority will decide fairly; its decisions may be unfair to minorities whose interests the majority systematically ignores. If so, then the democracy is unjust but no less democratic for that reason.

Partnership Democracy means that the people govern themselves each as a full partner in a collective political enterprise so that majority decisions are democratic only when certain further conditions are met that protect the status and interests of each citizen as a full partner in that enterprise. From the partnership viewpoint of democracy, a community that steadily ignores the interests of some minority or other group is for that very reason not democratic, even though it elects officials by impeccably majoritarian means.